FT大视野

Bangladesh’s unlikely revolutionaries: an 84-year-old and some students
孟加拉国的意外革命者:一名84岁的老人和一些学生

Young protesters installed Nobel prizewinner Muhammad Yunus as caretaker leader. But time is running out to reform the country’s democratic institutions
年轻的抗议者推举诺贝尔奖得主尤努斯担任看守领导人。但改革国家民主体制的时间已经不多了。

In Dhaka, the street art is still visible: a cuffed hand clenched in a fist; an injured student being rushed towards aid on a bicycle; the words “the blood of martyrs shall not go in vain”.

在达卡,街头艺术依然清晰可见:一只戴着手铐的手紧握拳头;一名受伤的学生骑着自行车冲向救援;“烈士的鲜血不会白流”的字样。

These murals were daubed in July and August, after police opened fire on people who had gathered to protest against a job scheme favouring Bangladesh’s ruling Awami League party. With hundreds dead, students from Dhaka University seized control of the uprising and forced the country’s authoritarian ruler, Sheikh Hasina, to flee to India. It has been one of the most striking victories for people power of recent times.

这些壁画是在7月和8月间被涂上的,当时警察向聚集在一起抗议有利于孟加拉国执政党人民联盟(Awami League)的就业计划的人们开火。数百人死亡,达卡大学(Dhaka University)的学生掌控了起义,并迫使该国的专制统治者谢赫•哈西娜(Sheikh Hasina)逃往印度。这是近年来人民力量最引人注目的胜利之一。

The three months since what the students call a “revolution” have been equally extraordinary. In August, they invited Muhammad Yunus, the 84-year-old Nobel peace prizewinning economist and entrepreneur, to serve as “chief adviser”, in effect caretaker leader. Yunus has embarked on a sweeping reform of Bangladesh’s broken political system and institutions. Elections are promised at a yet-to-be defined point in the future. And the students sit in a privileged place, with two holding cabinet positions in the interim government. Yunus insists he has no ambition to continue in politics after his current role.

被学生们称为“革命”的三个月同样非同寻常。8月,他们邀请84岁的诺贝尔和平奖得主、经济学家兼企业家穆罕默德•尤努斯(Muhammad Yunus)担任“首席顾问”,实际上是看守领袖。尤努斯已着手对孟加拉国破碎的政治制度和机构进行全面改革。选举将在未来某个尚未确定的时间点举行。学生们享有特权,其中两人在临时政府中担任内阁职务。尤努斯坚称,在担任目前的职务后,他没有继续从政的野心。

When he meets world leaders, Yunus presses upon them a recently published book featuring Dhaka’s protest art. “They are the heroes of the country,” Yunus says of the students in an interview with the Financial Times. “They are the winners . . . The revolution was brought by them.”

尤努斯在会见世界领导人时,向他们推荐了一本最近出版的书,书中介绍了达卡的抗议艺术。在接受英国《金融时报》采访时,尤努斯谈到这些学生时说:“他们是国家的英雄。他们是胜利者……革命是由他们带来的。”

In vigour and ambition, the changes Yunus and his young government are attempting are of a type unseen until now in South Asia’s hidebound politics — analogous to reforms that began in central Europe following the collapse of the Soviet bloc in 1989, or Myanmar’s decade-long break with military rule after 2011.

尤努斯和他年轻的政府正在尝试的改革,无论从活力还是雄心来看,都是南亚僵化政治中前所未见的——类似于1989年苏联集团解体后中欧开始的改革,或2011年后缅甸与军事统治长达十年的决裂。

Yunus, who accuses the Awami League of espousing “fascism” because of its co-opting of institutions like the police and the courts, has convened reform commissions tasked with remaking compromised arms of the state. These range from reshaping the country’s constitution and election system to attempting to account for the hundreds — possibly thousands — of people who, according to human rights groups, were tortured or killed in secret prisons during the regime. The commissions have been tasked with reporting back by the end of the year.

尤努斯指责人民联盟支持“法西斯主义”,因为它收编了警察和法院等机构。他召集了改革委员会,负责改造受损的国家机构。这些措施包括重塑国家宪法和选举制度,以及试图解释据人权组织称在政权期间数百人在秘密监狱中遭受酷刑或被杀害的情况。各委员会的任务是在年底前提交报告。

Meanwhile, a newly installed central bank governor, Ahsan Mansur, is tracking down and trying to recover some $17bn he estimates was taken abroad by bank owners close to the old regime — just one part of the massive corruption Hasina and her associates have been accused of.

与此同时,新上任的中央银行行长阿赫桑•曼苏尔(Ahsan Mansur)正在追查并试图追回据他估计被与旧政权关系密切的银行所有者转移到国外的大约170亿美元——这只是哈西娜及其同僚被指控的大规模腐败中的一部分。

It’s a moment rich with promise, but fraught with risks for the leader and his small team — and a gamble, too, for one of the world’s most populous countries, whose political journey after independence in 1971 has often been bumpy.

对于这位领导人和他的小团队来说,这是一个充满希望的时刻,但也充满了风险——对于这个在1971年独立后政治旅程常常坎坷的世界上人口最多的国家之一来说,这也是一场赌博。

Time is short, and much could yet go wrong. Protesters are continuing to rally in Dhaka’s streets, last week demanding the resignation of the president, Mohammed Shahabuddin, who was installed by the old regime. And the country is still recovering from the chaotic days after August 5, when many Awami League supporters were arrested, attacked or killed.

时间紧迫,很多事情可能会出错。抗议者继续在达卡街头集会,上周要求旧政权任命的总统穆罕默德•沙哈布丁(Mohammed Shahabuddin)辞职。该国仍在从8月5日之后的混乱中恢复,当时许多人民联盟的支持者被逮捕、袭击或杀害。

您已阅读22%(4248字),剩余78%(15346字)包含更多重要信息,订阅以继续探索完整内容,并享受更多专属服务。
版权声明:本文版权归FT中文网所有,未经允许任何单位或个人不得转载,复制或以任何其他方式使用本文全部或部分,侵权必究。
设置字号×
最小
较小
默认
较大
最大
分享×